Freitag, 26. April 2019

Heidegger's Difference and the Homeric Hero: A Hermetic History


     As we grow older/ The world becomes stranger,the pattern more complicated/ Of dead and living. Not the intense moment/ Isolated, with no before and after/ But a lifetime burning in every moment/ And not the lifetime of one man only/ But of old stones that cannot be deciphered.

                                                                  --T.S. Eliot, Four Quartets

An elucidation of the meaning of the Homeric hero is a task fraught with peculiar difficulties. The several modern transformations of “the hero” notwithstanding, there is even in the Greek “ἥρως” (haeros) a dynamic history of meaning to be considered. In early Greek, “
ἥρωςunderwent a process of generalization, in which it came to mean “warrior in general,” whereas before it specifically meant those Greeks before the time of Troy. The genealogical retrieval of the meaning of “hero” therefore stumbles upon a peculiarity with the very first step it takes: the earlier meaning of hero is steeped in genealogy. There is intrinsic to this earlier sense of hero a retrospective reverence, an heir’s appreciation for the burden of his lineage, a responsibility to the demands of patrimony (here understood as the glory inherited from the father). Though one need not read further than the fourth line of his Iliad to confirm that Homer employed “rwς” in its later, generic sense of “warrior”  “πολλὰς δ᾽ ἰφθίμους ψυχὰς Ἄϊδι προΐαψεν ...ἡρώων”), even the most imperceptive of readers would be hard pressed to receive this first word as Homer’s final word on the hero. Indeed, in a poem which culminates in the underworld, there is an inexorable movement towards what came before, the place of things past and things passed away. If it can justifiably be said that Homer’s Iliad single-handedly gave a new and fuller meaning to the hero, this did not happen overagainst the common and earlier meanings of the hero, but rather as a reconsideration and renewal of those meanings.

In keeping with this movement towards the past, the meaning of the hero takes on an earlier resonance as the poem progresses. A notable instance of this arises in Book IV when Agamemnon, after proclaiming his desire that Nestor –revered for his past, apparently unmatchable heroism—should have the youth of “some other of the fighters”, is inspired to rally his most capable warriors by way of playful invective. Upon approaching the last, and arguably most outstanding of these other fighters, namely Diomedes, Agamemnon spurs him on in the following words:

What’s this?—
you, the son of Tydeus, that skilled breaker of horses?
Why cringing here? Gazing out on the passageways of battle!
That was never Tydeus’ way, shy behind the lines—
he’d grapple enemies, bolting ahead of comrades…
Now there was a man, that Tydeus, that Aetolian.
But he bore a son who’s not the half of him in battle.
(IV. 370-400).[1]

Implicit in Agamemnon’s light-hearted rebuke is the notion that a true warrior (hero in the common sense) is measured by the glory of his father (hero in the earlier sense).           This is accentuated by the fact that to such a rebuke the great Diomedes responds in silence and in deed, while Sthenelos, a man of incomparably less stature in battle, retorts with the boast that both he and Diomedes are greater than their respective fathers (IV.410).
It is, of course, an observation of no great perspicacity to remark upon the importance of patrimony for the warriors of the Iliad; nearly all fighters are epithetically  identified as sons of their fathers, and often, when death looms near a particular hero, the reader is made aware at some length of his lineage, sometimes through that hero’s own mouth. What is of essential importance, however, is the way the Iliad links the general meaning of the warrior and his patronymic origin to an even deeper source: war is not only the place where death and destruction reign, but where things are born. To steer us away from taking this as an empty truism, we might cite what Heracleitus says on the matter:

polemoς pantwn men pathr esti, pantwn de
basileuς, kai touς  men qeouς edeixe touς de
anqrwpouς, touς men dolouς epoihse touς de
eleqerouς
(War is Father of all, and of all it is King, and it has shown some as gods and others as humans, it has created some as slaves and others as free).[2]

In the Iliad too, war is not in the first place a violent conflict between men, war is poihsiς (poiesis); it is the creative unveiling of the deepest distinctions, of who the gods truly are, and of who men truly are. As polemoς (polemos), war is that which holds together the most divergent poles ---an irruption of the hidden unity at the center of polar opposites. The “warrior in the general sense” is therefore not to be thought of emptily as “a fighter” but rather as a sign which points to its origin, or better, as one who actively retains the image and likeness of the one who has begotten him: the pathr pantwn, polemoς. In this way both meanings of hero converge: the “hero as warrior” is truly heroic only in so far as he participates in war, i.e., in the poetic revelation of his father, pathr polemoς.
This uniquely Greek understanding of polemoς, if it is to be properly grasped, must be set firmly against the backdrop of the Homeric gods. For the fact remains that there is no god by the name of “War” in the Iliad; there is only the god of war, Ares ---and it is not Ares but Zeus and Zeus alone who could possibly merit the epithet “Father of all.” Not only must this fact be conceded, but it is prerequisite to understanding polemoς properly. For Heracleitus does not identify polemoς as a god, but precisely as that which shows (deiknumi) who the gods truly are ---and only in this sense is it father even of them. What is it that makes polemoς such a father? What assurance can be had that this connection between Heracleitus’ oracular pronouncement and Homer’s understanding is no haphazard and arbitrary connection?
 The answer to these questions is hinted at in Hegel’s discussion of Homer in his Philosophy of History. There he makes the astute observation that for the Greeks “Fate [is] a pure Subjectivity appearing superior to the gods”[3]. Though Hegel is constrained by his metaphysical position to think of Fate as a “subjectivity” (a notion arguably foreign to the Greeks), he nevertheless touches upon the essential reason why polemoς is accorded its privileged paternal role. polemoς is the encounter with Fate par excellence.In a manner unparalleled by any other event, war displays the mettle of mortals in the face of their uncertain, yet certainly and swiftly approaching, fate. The brilliance of the warrior is a “brilliance darkly showing”, it is an illumination of what refuses all unveiling, an illumination of the unbearable, if inscrutable, presence of fate. For mortals, fate comes in the form of death, and the paradox of death consists in this: when death comes, it disappears. The appearance of death’s disappearance is frequently remarked upon in the Iliad, in the all too familiar ---and thus easily overlooked ---phrase that when a warrior meets his end, “a mist comes over his eyes.” That blindness, understood as a consummate non-appearing, befalls a warrior at that moment when his previously unseen fate finally comes to meet him is a detail by no means unrelated to the poetic nature of war to which Heraclitus has given utterance. Indeed, for Homer, as for the Ancient Greek world as a whole, the connection between the excess of fateful, poetic vision and blindness is testified to in such preeminent figures as Oedipus, Teiresias, Demodokus, and Homer himself.
If in the Iliad the heroic patrimony and the poetic nature of war resolve themselves to a single origin governed by the mysterious ‘appearance’ of fate, this does not occur merely through the subtle indications of Homeric imagery, and even less  through the distant sound of disembodied, abstract themes—waiting as it were to be seized upon and rescued by philosophic reflection. Rather does this resolution in the meaning of the hero occur through the singular character to which all indications and background themes refer, and this is unmistakably Achilles. As Glenn Arbery has convincingly argued in his Soul and Image: The Single Honor of Achilles that the entire Iliad cannot receive a proper critical treatment if it is not read with the story of Achilles’ birth firmly in mind; for it is here, in the account of Achilles’ half-divine lineage, that patrimony and the poetic strife between men and gods are fused into the mark of Achilles’ fate: unparalleled mortality. Paying careful heed to the bitter union with mortal man which Thetis, Achilles’ mother, was made to endure, Abery finds justification to characterize Achilles in the utterly unique image and likeness of his parents, a characterization which at once hearkens back to Heracleitus’ polemoς while drawing upon Heidegger’s thought of “dif-ference”:

[Achilles] is the human form of what Heidegger, in accounting for the relation between “world” and “things” in his essay “Language,” names the “dif-ference” (the word is broken at the point of its joining of two meanings— “bearing’ and “apart”).…Achilles has the kind of reality in the imagination that brings men and gods together by holding apart—with the whole pain of his being—the middle where they can be at one.[4]

Achilles, sprung from the bitter union of Thetis and Peleus, is a living image of the union between men and gods, and for this reason he is the boundary stone, the threshold of pain over which it seems neither man nor god has ever crossed and fate has trod but once. It is perhaps of some significance that Heidegger’s thought of the dif-ference is first articulated in his meditation upon Georg Trakl’s poem “A Winter Evening”—not only because this articulation is the fruit of a reflection on poetry but, more to the point, because it arises in the course of considering, in Trakl’s poem, the specific line, “Pain has turned the threshold to stone”.
            Trakl’s pain-begotten threshold of stone[5], as it is interpreted by Heidegger, is not only a most fitting image for the dif-ferent position in which Achilles stands; its significance is far weightier than a mere vehicle in which Homer’s insight can be conveniently situated and passed along into contemporary discussion. Instead, the need to give voice to the enigmatic nature of stone, observed in Trakl’s line, is already found in one of the deepest regions of the Iliad, the region in which the Homeric transformation of the meaning of the hero—a transformation which not only roots the later meaning in the older one but even locates both in a still older meaning—is consummately accomplished.
The turn toward this final moment of transformation is prepared for in that scene of Achilles’ final conversation with his beloved companion, Patroklos—a scene which may be said to initiate or set up Achilles’ turn of heart away from the mourning of his mortal fate toward the profound depth of his mortality as it is illumined in battle and projected toward Hades. In that final encounter, before assuming the guise of Achilles through the aspect of his armor, Patroklos must first identify his friend anew, speaking from a surmise that has slowly been growing in his own heart:

            Pitiless: the rider Peleus was never your father nor was Thetis your mother, but it was the grey sea that bore you and the towering rocks, so hard is the heart within you. But if you are drawing back from some prophecy known in your heart and by Zeus’ will your honoured mother has told you something, then send me out at least, let the rest of the Myrmidon people follow me, and I may be a light to the Danaans. (XVI. 33-39)[6]
                                       
With his desperate appeal to Achilles’ unapproachable heart, Patroklos unwittingly touches upon the meaning at the heart of the Homeric hero. Patroklos, whose very name refers to the “glory of the father” (what we have ventured thus far to call by the name “patrimony”), speaks with a sudden boldness --as if by a word inspired --and, in what should not be mistaken as mere hyperbolic metaphor, he finds the audacity to renounce Achilles’ well known parentage in favor of a truer—if more obscure—origin. Because of the petrified likeness he perceives in his friend’s heart, Patroklos is moved to trace Achilles back to the “hliabatoi petrai”, the “towering rocks”. The only other possibility that Patroklos can conceive of in order to account for his friend’s almost inhuman reticence (a possibility which he immediately announces so that the abrasive nature of his first address might be ameliorated) concerns a prophetic message from the gods regarding Achilles fate. But Patroklos is speaking from a greater wisdom than he himself knows; what he does not perceive is the way his two proposals are essentially linked, namely through one of the most unseen gods in the entire poem: Hermes.
Patroklos’ fate falls far short of the final lines of the poem, where the veracity of his obscure insight is revealed; for it is only in the twenty-fourth book that Hermes makes his most significant contribution to the poem (namely, guiding Priam safely into the camp of the Myrmidons to redeem the body of his beloved son), and it is there that the intimate relation between Achilles and Hermes is displayed. They are related as an original and its reflection in a mirror, both of them sites of dif-ference, yet neither of them ever crossing into the world of the other. There are in support of this pairing several discussions of no negligible length concerning the door of Achilles’ shelter, which only Achilles himself and Hermes are known to be capable of opening alone, and which Hermes will not cross to meet his double face-to-face.
Hermes is the one god who accompanies fate through the threshold, he is the god of crossings, a messenger between gods and men, and the sole companion of each man to his ultimate fate in the underworld. As Marc Froment-Meurice has written:

Hermes, the proper name of a god of paths, of accesses granted or refused, takes his name from a simple pile of stones (in Greek “ermaion” [(hermaion)]), the significance of which we do not know.[7]

Through his likeness to Hermes the threshold-god, Achilles is also likened even further back to stones in need of interpretation, of, as it were, a herme-neutic. To say that Hermes is the key to, indeed, that he leads the way to the meaning of Achilles is to recognize Homer’s implicit demand upon his listeners that, if they would seek the deepest region in which heroism can be found, they must, like Priam, receive an immortal escort.
Though traditionally Achilles has served as a figure of emulation for the Greek world as well as the Western world that issued from it, the Iliad does not ultimately offer in Achilles a paradigm for imitation in human action, but rather a terribly inimitable presentation of the mystery of mortality. The proper response to such a heroic spectacle does not in the first place consist in the call to action, but in the courage to listen, when all action has become futile, for the coming of the god in the ringing of the poetic word.



[1] Trans. Fagles
[2] Fragment 93.
[3] Pg. 250, Trans. J. Sibree.
[4] Pgs. 38-40 in The Epic Cosmos. Ed. Louise Cowan. Dallas, TX: The Dallas Institute Publications, 1992.
[5] Lest it be objected at this point that we remove ourselves by three degrees from discussion of the Iliad if we pursue an inquiry into the source material for the source material of a single commentator on the poem, it should be observed that the “stone threshold” in connection with pain is by no means foreign to our primary text. It appears, once, in book XXIII, line 202: Iris, who first arrives in the Iliad “bearing her painful message, ” and makes her final appearance in it standing “poised at the stone threshold” of the house of Zephyr (the West Wind). Here the threshold is a site of urgency, the ground on which one may stand—once, for a moment—who must also be elsewhere.—Ed.
[6] More or less a word-for-word translation
[7] See his “Hermes’ Gift” in That is to Say. Trans. Jan Plug. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998.